Ayaz Khan
Is it integral to hold census once after every ten years in a country with a rapid demographic expansion like a time bomb ticking fast? Are various problems, ranging from socioeconomic disparity to lack of political empowerment, interwoven with a meager head counting practice or is it just a national onus to count individuals and figure out the population numerically? For the ordinary masses of the federating units (provinces) and Federally Administrated Areas (FATA), it might be a hefty and unworthy head counting process, but, for the political elite at the helm, census delay is something to keep political economy at summit.
Since inception, Pakistan has held census five times. First in 1951; second in 1961; third in 1972 which was due to be held in 1971 but hindered because of war with India and political turmoil in East Pakistan; fourth in March 1981 and fifth in 1998. The practice of census is not only an important yard stick to figure out population, but it also plays a vital role in delimitation of national and provincial assemblies’ constituencies under the constitution. As per the law enshrined in the principles of delimitation in section 8 and 9 of the Delimitation of constituencies Act 1974, fresh delimitation of constituencies are important to be carried out throughout the country so as to enhance the number of seats in NA and PAs and to provide exact share on the basis of population.
Pakistan, being a federation, has to be certain about equal share allocation among federating units through National Finance Commission Award NFC as per the law laid down in article 160 (1) of the constitution, 1973.
Furthermore, the systematic (formula based) revenue sharing between federation and federating units, in NFC Award, occurs in four stages: first, from federal to provincial government; second, provincial government to local government through Provincial Finance Commission (PFC); thirdly, from federal to local and fourthly from local to local government (from District Government to Tehsil Municipal Administration).
In fact, since after National Finance Commission Award 1974, revenue sharing occurs on population based criterion, which has failed to redress reservations of provinces as a big chunk of migrants inhabit in Balochistan and Sindh which makes the census much more complex. For instance, in 1981 and 1998 census, population of Karachi was shown low around 5.2 and 9.8 million respectively, which not only seemed flawed in the face of growing migrants in Karachi but also developed a sense of resentment among political rung while ceiling their presence in provincial Assembly. Similarly, in 1974, provincial share also dropped drastically due to population based criterion. Balochistan suffered the most with a paltry share of 3.86%.
Following the census of 1998, the hypothetical census via voter’s list, obtained from National Database and Regulatory NADRA, is practiced. But this practice also seems flawed as the provinces, under feudal control, show less participation in elections as it is widely believed that few feudal lords, while sitting in their palace, get fewer forms filled. This practice hinders transparent elections which are also linked with census.
Census had also highlighted flaws in 2007 when government embarked on a house counting mission to count individuals per hundred or more yards of land on which houses were built before census was due to be held in 2008. The result was staggering when data was filtered by computers. The result showed hundred of individuals living in a small house built on a 100 or 120 yards of land.
The recent saga of national census has once again laid to rest. The Council of Common Interest has delayed the census for an indefinite time. Lack of consensus and unaddressed reservations of provinces about unbalanced revenue sharing by the federal are prime causative factors and obstacles in the way to held census.
If a proper census is not a feasible option given the security threats and issue of migrants in Sindh and Balochistan, the population based criterion of NFC need be replaced by poverty, backwardness and urban rural balance so that the revenue sharing might heal the wounds of federating units irrespective of having any vested interest by the federation in order to kill the long practiced phenomenon of keeping political economy alive.
Writer is a featured contributor for Balochistan Voices and writes a weekly opinion piece with the title of Finishing Point.
Disclaimer: Views expressed in this article are those of the author and Balochistan Voices not necessarily agrees with them.
Share your comments!
